Pulse Flow: Mostly Photographic

Feel the beauty of art as it comes to life with verified photos gathered together in order to give you a different experience. With numerous members coming into the scene, you can expect your mind to be taken away far into a corner. 


Research On The Environment


Kayakers paddle down the Capilano River towards the next set of rapids.


Coniferous trees reach for the sky in the private park across the bridge.


Trees obscure the river below.Tourists brave the Capilano Suspension Bridge in North Vancouver.


The bridge spans the Capilano Canyon, high above the river.


Here, Adrienne poses good-naturally with a figure from the past clad in attire resembling that worn by Native peoples of the Great Plains.

Alpine Hikes

A guide to hiking the mountains of British Columbia.

Biotic & Abiotic Characteristics

Understand and look into specific characters that transpire between being biotic and abiotic. Moving further into an array of the same brings about a well-needed enlightenment that captures your sense of imagination.  

Human-Environment Relations To Nature

Creating Opportunities
Coast Mountains
Views Of Development
Environment Art
Against The Current

From Our Blog

Fine Art Photography Tips To Get You To The Next Level

Fine art photography is one of the best ways to express yourself in a new and creative way. We are trying to explain some ways which can help one take fine art photos to a whole new height. There are many tips are tricks which if used can make sure that you have a fabulous photograph in your hand. Here are some of the best tips which will allow you to give yourself the best shot.

It starts with a vision

Fine art photography involves bringing in vision to life. It helps create something beautiful, which was previously living in your mind. It is one of the best ways to express yourself and the world around in just a few clicks. This means that when you are preparing for fine art photoshoot, you need to have a vision which will allow you to have a detailed plan which gives a vague idea of what it stands for.


It is all about beauty and meaning

Fine art photography has been judged for its beauty and meaningfulness, which is very subjective to a person. They have very unrealistic considerations which can also sometimes involving breaking the rules of photography. Fine art can easily be completely out of focus which is seen as an error. In general, this photography can have a very creative experience which involves breaking the rules.

Create carefully

Fine art photography involves a lot of planning and editing to give it that composition, details and meaning, which involves creating a beautiful painting. It can be complicated and can be the reason people gasp for the end result.

Find the inspiration

Fine art photography is something which comes from the deeper part of your hearts and is an emotion that you want to convey. All you have to do is a ball rolling; all you have to do is look and can allow yourself to find the right inspiration for a better outcome.

Clear your head

If you are struggling in coming up with the right ideas in the fine art photography ideas, take a step back and focus. Getaway and get a casual look at the surrounding, take your mind off your creative track and build an n experience which will spark new imagination in you to create the inspiration you need.

Look at other photographers


When it comes to art, it is a good rule of thumb to not follow others with your fine art photography. You need to make sure that you are striving to create an authentic personal vision. Try to pay attention to others and learn what is trendy and let the art drive you. Try to follow the style of others and start with a simple subject and develop into a personal style along the way you go. Once you have found your style or subject that you live, try to make sure you are taking down a different path.


Postcolonialist and Ecofeminist Perspectives on Human-Environment Relations

Ecofeminism and Postcolonialism

Ecofeminism sprouted from the increasing (Western) awareness of the relationships between women and nature (Merchant, 1992). It is both a theoretical standpoint and a movement that links the exploitation and degradation of the environment with the subordination and oppression of women (Mellor, 1997). This consciousness offers a stepping-stone to connecting environmental ‘destruction’ with other forms of social domination than those essentially based on sexism.

Although ecofeminist analyses have much to say about these (Salleh, 1997), feminist approaches begin with women (Warren, 2000). Postcolonialism explores the effects of colonization, a process seen as involved in many forms of domination. There is much to be gained by examining human relations to nature with postcolonialist perspectives. This is not to sideline ecofeminism, but rather, to appreciate how much may be learned by employing postcolonialist approaches concomitantly with ecofeminist approaches in studying the current ecological crisis. Ann Brooks (1997) explores the terrain of postfeminism — a place where feminism, postmodernism, and postcolonialism intersect. Studies of the environment that (do and should) include discussions of society and culture can certainly benefit from scrutiny through multiple and hybridized theoretical lenses.

The Construction of Nature

“The environment, even the supposedly ‘natural’ environment, cannot be understood without considering the cultural, political and economic processes through which the environment becomes caught up in power relations” (Rose, Kinnaird, Morris, & Nash, 1997, p. 146). Humans construct ‘nature’; it is not a self-evident category. What many may consider only a crisis of the environment is really a social and cultural emergency as well (Wilson, 1991). Critical thinking is necessary in order to recognize the relations of power involved in discussions of, and actions involving, nature.

Colonizing Nature

“Postcolonial theory has asserted the need to carefully consider how present-day social and cultural practices are marked by histories of colonialism” (Willems-Braun, 1997, p. 3). Colonialism is a process of subjugation that has occurred throughout human history and in various different contexts. Modern colonialism is deeply rooted in European imperialism, although it must be understood that the world was not free of colonization beforehand. The primary difference between modern colonialism and previous forms is its intimate involvement with capitalism (Loomba, 1998). That being said, it is important to appreciate colonialism as a concept with plural meanings. There is no one colonial experience. Postcolonialism is the contestation of colonialism, past and present, rather than the acceptance of a distinct temporal stage of ‘postcoloniality’ (Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffen, 1998; Blunt & Wills, 2000). Colonialism persists in the discourses and institutions of ‘postcolonial’ states and cultures.


Sweet Oranges: The Biogeography of Citrus sinensis

It is with difficulty that biogeographers have attempted to define the centers of origin and ancestors of citrus fruits. The multitude of natural hybrids and cultivated varieties, including spontaneous mutants, obscure the history of Citrus. The lack of sufficient descriptions and specimens, in addition to the destruction of the original habitats, contribute to the puzzlement as well (Spiegel-Roy and Goldschmidt 1996). In any case, citrus fruit trees originated in the region encompassing Southeast Asia and India (Zohary and Hapf 1993; Janick et. al. 1981; Speigel-Roy and Goldschmidt 1996). Citrus would have arose as a bitter fruit plant, possibly in what is now the Malay Archipelago over twenty million years ago (McPhee 1967). The modern fruit species probably evolved in China, where there is greater diversity in Citrus varieties and parasites than anywhere in the world (McPhee 1967). The hybridization of pummelos and mandarins, in environments such as mixed Chinese gardens, resulted in the creation of both C. sinensis and C. aurantium (Speigel-Roy and Goldschmidt 1996). However, the location of the origin of the sweet orange is controversial. China, India, Bhutan, Myanmar (Burma) and Malaysia are all candidates (The Orange History [1999]). Domestication of citrus species presumably began at several sites and by 4000 BCE (before the Common Era), the culture of lemons, limes and oranges was occurring in the Indus Valley (Solley 1997a).


Today, oranges are primarily eaten fresh or prepared as frozen juice concentrate. The byproducts of juice making (the pulp, rind and seed) are utilized for cattle feed and molasses (for alcohol or feed) as well as flavorings, perfumes, pharmaceuticals and soap. The extracts of rinds and seeds include pectin and oil. When fermented, orange juices produce vinegar and liqueurs. Oranges are permitted to ripen on trees before harvesting. Most receive treatment with ethylene dye to enhance their orange color, and ship well to markets (Janick et. al. 1981). Originally, Citrus uses included beautification, embalming, mothballs, aphrodisiacs, protection from poisons and curing fever and colic (Solley 1997b). Before Europeans viewed oranges as a food, the people used their trees, flowers and fruits as ornaments, seasonings and for aromas (McPhee 1967).

Artificial Selection

For most of its existence, citriculture was a natural affair, involving random changes in color, size, aroma and flavor.

“Most present-day cultivars that are widely grown in the main commercial producing areas in the world were derived by selection, largely of sports [mutations], from the cultivars introduced into Europe and the Americas” (Soost and Roose 1996, p. 259).

After the rise of the Darwinian and Mendelian theories, however, research and experimentation began in Europe with the goal of improving orange characteristics. In 1893, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) initiated the systematic breeding of Citrus in Florida. The Universities of California and Florida have since embarked upon programs involving the propagation of sweet oranges. “Citrus breeding requires long-term commitment and few institutions have given it sustained support” (Cameron and Soost 1976). Difficulty arises from observations, which imply that some undesirable traits are dominant (Soost and Roose 1996). In addition, the lack of knowledge about the inheritance of major traits hinders biotechnology efforts (Soost and Roose 1996).


Navel oranges constitute the most important C. sinensis varieties in the world for fresh fruit production. Their inclusion of a small “secondary” fruit embedded in the apex of the main fruit distinguishes them. The navel orange originated in Bahia (Baia), Brazil as a bud mutation (Speigel-Roy and Goldschmidt 1996; Janick et. al. 1981). Reverend Schneider, a missionary, discovered this nearly seedless (parthenocarpic) sweet orange, in 1869. The USDA received trees the following year and descendents of these ended up in Riverside, California in 1873 (Speigel-Roy and Goldschmidt 1996; Janick et. al. 1981; The Orange History [1999]). The Bahia Navel, later known as the Washington Navel, came into being when a Mrs. Luther Tibbits planted two of these trees. Since then, they have spread all over the world to be cultivated in both the north and south hemispheres. Numerous mutant strains with differing ripening periods allow them to be in season year-round. For instance, the Tule Gold and Skaggs Bonanza varieties, products of spontaneous mutation, are described in Soost and Roose (1996, p. 299) as “early ripening and heavy bearing.”Future Prospects
There is still much to discover concerning Citrus sinensis, in addition to its varieties, hybrids and relatives. Much of the monsoon region and tropical Africa has yet to host studies for wild Citrus relations (Speigel-Roy and Goldschmidt 1996) and the phylogeny (and taxonomy) of Citrus continues to be obscured by a history of repeated hybridizations and mutations.

“Future advances in citrus breeding and genetics will no doubt continue to be slow and will require long-range planning and effort, due to the quantitative nature of citrus inheritance, the long generation time, and the presence of nucellar embryony” (Soost and Roose 1996, p. 265).

Deforestation: Humankind and the Global Ecological Crisis

Earth without forests is a picture that most of humankind presently could not conceive. Forests cover much of the planet’s land area. They are extremely important to humans and the natural world. For humans, they have many aesthetic, recreational, economic, historical, cultural and religious values. Timber and other products of forests are important economically both locally and as exports. They provide employment for those who harvest the wood or products of the living forest. Herbalists, rubber tappers, hunters and collectors of fungi, nuts, bamboo and berries are able to utilize such resources. Other non-wood forest products come in the form of medicinal compounds, dyes and fabrics. There are many people who are dependent on forestlands for their livelihoods. One-third of the world’s people depend on wood for fuel as a significant energy source (Dudley et. al. 1995). “Surveys in Cameroon, Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana and Liberia found that forest wildlife accounted for 70 to 90 percent of the total animal protein consumed” (FAO 1993). Some indigenous peoples are completely dependent on forests. As well as providing a home for some people, the forest environment provides a popular setting for ecotourism, which includes hiking, camping, bird watching and other outdoor adventure or nature study activities.

Trees protect the soil against erosion and reduce the risks of landslides and avalanches. They may increase the rate that rainwater recharges groundwater as well as control the rate that water is released in watersheds (FAO 1993). They help to sustain freshwater supplies and therefore are an important factor in the availability of one of life’s basic needs. Forests affect the climate and are an important source of oxygen, although they play a lesser role than was once thought (Anderson 1990). The biological diversity of life is notably much greater in the rainforests. Tropical rainforests may contain over one-half the world’s total species (Dudley et. al. 1995). But today humankind threatens the forests that provide so much. The tropical forests are most affected, but temperate woodlands are also at great risk. About 1,113,000 hectares of forest in Brazil and 989,000 hectares in Canada were destroyed in 1995 (McCrory et. al. 1997). British Columbia has about forty percent of its original forests remaining, while Europe has less than half (Dudley et. al. 1995). The United States have approximately one to two percent of their original forest cover (Dudley et. al. 1995). “Recent reports by the World Resources Institute have shown that more than 80% of the planet’s natural forests have already been destroyed” (Hatch 1997). Humankind is the cause of deforestation. But just as humans are able to create such widespread destruction, they can have a positive effect on the crisis.

Since so many are dependent on the world’s forests, deforestation will have many social, economic and ecological effects. Deforestation results in many negative consequences. The loss of forestlands is connected to desertification, a widespread phenomenon. Fewer trees translate into an insecure future for forest workers. Heavy rainfall and high sunlight quickly damage the topsoil in clearings of the tropical rainforests. In such circumstances, the forest will take much longer to regenerate and the land will not be suitable for agricultural use for quite some time. Where forests are replanted, their replacement can mean a loss of quality. As well there is the possibility that the basic elements of potential medical treatments, cures and vaccines may lie undiscovered within these environments. There may be a loss of future markets for ecotourism. The value of a forest is often higher when it is left standing than it could be worth when it is harvested (Dudley et. al. 1995). Some indigenous peoples’ way of life and survival are threatened by the loss of forests. Among these groups are the Waorani of the Amazon’s tropical rainforest, the Sami of Lapland’s taiga and the Kyuquot of Vancouver Island’s temperate rainforest (Dudley et. al. 1995). Often, the stakeholders associated with forest areas are not always consulted before clearcutting occurs. This has sometimes led to non-violent and violent confrontation and fueled bitter rivalries between area residents, the forest sector and environmentalists. Consequently anti-environmentalism has intensified and environmental activism can be dangerous.

Deforestation can cause the climate to become more extreme in nature; the occurrence and strength of floods and droughts could increase. Forests store large amounts of carbon that are released when trees are cut or burned. It is projected that deforestation and the burning of biomass will be responsible for fifteen percent of the greenhouse effect between 1990 and 2025 (FAO 1993). The ranges of tree species could shift with respect to altitude and latitude as a result of global warming. Furthermore, the stress of such environmental change may make some species more susceptible to the effects if insects, pollution, disease and fire (FAO 1993). In addition, genetic diversity may decrease and areas of trees may be lost. Rising sea levels brought on by global warming have the potential to threaten the locations of many major cities, much fertile agricultural land, the purity of freshwater supplies and the survival of some nations. The clearing of forestland results in increased erosion and landslides. Soil from areas of reduced forest cover can fill reservoirs created by dams. Thus a dam’s ability and future capacity to generate hydroelectricity and provide irrigation would be significantly reduced. Forests play a crucial role in the management of fisheries. Logging has directly and indirectly damaged spawning grounds, blocked river channels, raised water temperatures and caused water levels in streams to fluctuate dangerously. Therefore, the removal of trees can reduce the viability of fish stocks in their watershed and downstream environments. The effects of deforestation discussed are of considerable magnitudes. Still, with all the present and predicted problems, it was estimated that one acre of Canadian forest was logged every 12.9 seconds in 1995 (McCrory et. al. 1997).

People destroy or degrade forests because, for them, the benefits seem to outweigh the costs. Underlying causes include such issues as poverty, unequal land ownership, women’s status, education and population. Immediate causes are often concerned with a search for land and resources, including both commercial timber and fuelwood. The impact of the timber trade is generally greater than has been claimed in the past. The North plays a key role in many of the factors leading to forest decline (Dudley et. al. 1995).

Marginal Groove: The Politics of Raves in Richmond

The Struggle for Place

To examine a case of transgression we turn our attention to Richmond, British Columbia, Canada, a suburb of Vancouver. Richmond is home to the Riverside Banquet Hall, one of Greater Vancouver’s most frequently used legal rave venues. The Palace at Riverside, another banquet hall nearby, is occasionally the site of such events as well. In 2000, Richmond city council passed a bylaw restricting all-night parties to these two sites, while allowing other venues to apply for consideration (Bellett, 2000a, 2000b). Before and after council acted to regulate and limit raves, a string of events at the Riverside halls garnered attention from the local authorities, media, and public.

In 1998, parties at Riverside resulted in numerous noise complaints from south Vancouver, across the North Arm of the Fraser River. In response to one event, Sergeant Willy Laurie, a spokesperson for the Richmond detachment of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, was quoted as saying “There were quite a lot of complaints — all valid” (Pynn, 1998, p. B5). Another incident led Mayor Greg Halsey-Brandt to comment: “We must have had 70 or 80 complaints. People were really upset” (Bellett, 1998, p. B4). Between 800 and 1,400 people attended each of these events and no disapproving statements from them were printed regarding the volume. However, the authorities heard the complaints loud and clear. The police increased their enforcement activity around the site and discussed the laying of charges with city and fire officials. Council made regulatory changes so it was possible for the city to revoke the business license of any rave venue that had a negative impact on its neighbors.

Riverside is already fairly out of the way; warehouses are in the vicinity, but there are no nearby residential areas. Wedding banquets were certainly deemed in place, but “kids” dancing to loud electronic music all through the night were not. Furthermore, with respect to illegal warehouse parties in the area, Halsey-Brandt observes that:

These parties go from 1 a.m. to about 8 a.m. and people going to work early in the morning have complained about being intimidated by all these young people. And they leave quite a mess behind with garbage strewn all over the place and vehicles parked everywhere. It causes policing problems for us, too. (Bellett, 1998, p. B4)

The breaching of expectations upset the mayor. He cites the presence of numerous youth as a fear factor, appeals to our sense of aesthetics, and concerns us with the problems experienced by the authorities. The picture he illustrates is one of common sense (see Cresswell, 1996). In this context, youth are out of place; workers are in place. He disregards the right of all citizens to use public space. Staeheli and Thompson (1997, p. 30) contend that:

Youth generally, and countercultural youths in particular, are marginal to the conceptualization of citizenship and membership in communities, and their presence in public spaces serves as a challenge to the ideas of citizenship in political theory.

The mere visibility of youth and the corresponding increase in diversity it provides infringes upon and contests social norms. “When people are out of place it is a cause for concern because of the perceived threat to power relations” (Kitchin, 1999, p. 48).

In 1999, Richmond council considered a proposed bylaw that would close “social gathering businesses” between 3:00 a.m. and 6:00 a.m. (Morton, 1999; Porter, 1999). Although if it passed, the regulation would affect all such commercial entities, its primary consequence and goal would be to exclude ravers from congregating in legal venues. Such spatial marginalization would unequivocally force the rave scene underground in Richmond, while the political action would make the events explicitly out of place. The police appealed for an immediate ban of all-night parties at Riverside. The major reasons cited in support of prohibition were neighborhood disturbance, danger to police, the threat posed to the rest of the city by the increased devotion of police resources to the area, and the risks incurred by the ravers themselves (Bellett, 1999).

Some authorities viewed raves as a problem to be solved by rejecting and outlawing the meanings associated with the venues. In this scenario, the ravers would lose their place, become placeless, and conform to the norms constructed by those dominant in society. Many failed to realize that the rave scene has its own ideologies that view the underground as vibrant and staying in one place as undesirable. Illegal events unsupervised by police would likely be less safe as well. On this and other issues there was a distinct lack of understanding on the part of the authorities due to their situated knowledges. Eventually, rave promoters convinced council to retreat from the proposed time constraints (“Regional Roundup,” 2000).

Rather than ban raves all together, council spatially isolated them to the two banquet halls at Riverside, a location on the city’s periphery. These were the only sites that raves were to be in place. They also introduced regulations that attempted to address many of the aforementioned issues that have been associated with rave events. This approach was envisioned as supportive of youth (Luba, 2000). Council could only take action that it perceived as accommodating to ravers (even if their measures were not) when those initiatives remained within its own perceived set of acceptable behaviors. Being higher up in the social hierarchy than most of those participating in the parties, they exercised their oppressive power, creating a particular spatiality (see Rose, 1997). However, Halsey-Brandt notes that, “Under the existing bylaw there are no consequences for people who hold illegal raves. The regulations are aimed at ensuring legal raves are properly managed” (Bellett, 2000c, p. B1). Council’s preoccupation with the city’s most prominent places associated with raves prevented them from dealing with the broader situation.

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